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Interview with Former PM Sri PV Narasimha Rao


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post babri points cheptunattunnaru first video first moments lo.. don't know why congress left him in the lurch after his top tenure.. perhaps for black marking him for babri related stuff Bunny-1.gif

 

Power lo unnappudu Sonia bhajana gallani...Sonia ni pettalsinantha dhooram lo pettadani vallaki kopam.....Surely he is one of the greatest Prime Ministers India ever had.....though many negatives try to diminish his positives, he cannot be undermined.....

 

Telugu vaadi Pourusham chaati cheppina vaadu Anna garu aiyhte....Telugu vaadi Medhassu prapanchaaniki chaati cheppina Apara Chanakyudu PV vaaru ani maaku eppatiki gouravame.. :peepwall:

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Power lo unnappudu Sonia bhajana gallani...Sonia ni pettalsinantha dhooram lo pettadani vallaki kopam.....Surely he is one of the greatest Prime Ministers India ever had.....though many negatives try to diminish his positives, he cannot be undermined.....

 

Telugu vaadi Pourusham chaati cheppina vaadu Anna garu aiyhte....Telugu vaadi Medhassu prapanchaaniki chaati cheppina Apara Chanakyudu PV vaaru ani maaku eppatiki gouravame.. :peepwall:

 

aipoindi.. antha aipoindi.. inka mimmalni evaru rakshinchaleru Bunny-1.gif

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Power lo unnappudu Sonia bhajana gallani...Sonia ni pettalsinantha dhooram lo pettadani vallaki kopam.....Surely he is one of the greatest Prime Ministers India ever had.....though many negatives try to diminish his positives, he cannot be undermined.....

 

Telugu vaadi Pourusham chaati cheppina vaadu Anna garu aiyhte....Telugu vaadi Medhassu prapanchaaniki chaati cheppina Apara Chanakyudu PV vaaru ani maaku eppatiki gouravame.. :peepwall:

 

I respect him too bhayya..he is the behind all the economic reforms and he ran the minority government for the whole tenure..He brought in a guy who is serving as vice chairman of planning commission and made him a finance minister(though he is not from party)..One needs a lot of guts to do so with minority...and after him India has seen one of the PM's who slept in UN meeting...

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PV Narasimha Rao and the Bomb

 

By Nitin Pai on 28th December 2004in Security

 

Credit where it is due

The late P V Narasimha Rao (1921-2004) will probably be best remembered for the unleashing India’s economic potential when India’s license-raj was jettisoned under his watch. In the early 1990s, he provided the much needed political cover to Dr Manmohan Singh and the reform team as they tore down the contortions that passed off as economic policy.

But, as former prime minister Vajpayee revealed, Rao’s national security legacy was no less important.

Participating at a writers’ meet in Gwalior, a somewhat emotional Vajpayee said that when he took over as prime minister in 1996 (the 13-day stint), Rao gave him a small piece of paper. When he unfolded it, he was surprised to read “bomb is ready you can go ahead.â€

 

“Rao had asked me not to make it public, but today when he is dead and gone, I wish to place the record straight.â€

He added: “Rao told me that the bomb is ready. I exploded it. I did not miss the opportunity.â€

Vajpayee said he never blamed the Congress on this count. “They too wanted a strong India to counter Pakistan and China. In foreign policy matters, they never lacked commitment,†he said.
“But they might be having some problems.â€
[
(
emphasis mine
)]

 

The decision to go nuclear in 1988 was secret. The question after Rajiv Gandhi was when and how India would come out of the nuclear closet. Every nuclear programme faces its most dangerous moments in its initial phases. That precisely is what Rao confronted in 1991. The end of the Cold War and the international concerns on non-proliferation resulted in relentless pressures from the US to cap India’s nuclear programme.

 

Rao’s mandate to his foreign secretary J.N. Dixit (1991-94) was to buy time and space for India’s bomb programme.

Together Rao and Dixit, now the national security adviser, devised a variety of diplomatic strategems to resist international pressures without confronting the US head-on and thus gained valuable time for Indian scientists to come up with a credible programme of nuclear tests, including the Hydrogen bomb.

The appointed day arrived in mid-December 1995. The nuclear devices were already put into the L-shaped hole dug for the purpose in Pokhran desert. The Ministries of External Affairs and Finance had estimated of the costs of US sanctions that would have followed. The officer in the MEA specialising in the nuclear issue had a prepared statement in his drawer justifying India’s decision.

As US satellite pictures began to show Indian preparations for the test, the New York Times broke the story about India’s plans to test on December 15. After two days, India finally declared it had no intention to test.Had Rao tested in 1995, India’s political history might have been different. With elections due in mid-1996, the nuclear card could have possibly returned Rao to power. Yet, inexplicably Rao chose not to. Some say he succumbed to US pressure. Others say he was concerned about Pakistan’s reaction and the economic consequences

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pv_narsimha_rao_050106.jpg

 

Appraisal

Quiet Goes The Don

As PM, his silences were pregnant. In his last years too, he suffered ignominy in quietude.

Prem Shankar Jha on P.V. Narasimha Rao

 

 

 

 

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With the exception of Jawaharlal Nehru, no prime minister did as much to transform the future of India as P.V. Narasimha Rao. But such is the ingrate nature of Indian politics and politicians that no PM received less recognition than he did in the years before his death, least of all, within his own party. Today, Rao is being remembered as the father of the economic reforms that finally broke the shackles of the command economy, and set India free. Yet the reforms are only a part of Rao's legacy. Those who worked closely with him, and those who followed governance closely in those tumultuous years know that it was Rao, and Rao alone, following not bureaucratic advice but his own political intuition, who took the key decisions that ended the militancy in Punjab and took the steam out of the insurgency in Kashmir.

 

Rao's contribution to India's economic reforms was of crucial importance, but he wasn't their architect. Through the '80s, there had been a growing realisation within the government that the command economy, which minimised links with the world market, was bound to run into foreign exchange crises and was therefore ceasing to be viable. The first reforms, involving a substantial relaxation of industrial licensing, removal of price controls on steel, cement and drastic reduction of fertiliser subsidies, had taken place under the spur of the second oil price shock in '80-81.

 

In 1985, PM Rajiv Gandhi changed industrial licensing rules again to free about 40 per cent of industry from its constraints on growth. He also redefined the concept of monopoly to take around 1,000 of the 1,100 monopoly companies out of the ambit of the Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Act, but was frustrated by resistance from the bureaucracy. In 1987, finance minister V.P. Singh announced a long-term fiscal policy that would lower and rationalise excise duties. But this too remained a statement of intent.

 

After coming to power in 1989, V.P. Singh tried another round of tepid industrial liberalisation, but was frustrated by a revolt within his Stalinist planning commission aided from outside by soon-to-be-PM Chandra Shekhar.

 

The spine of India's do nothing, learn nothing, bureaucracy was finally broken by the forex crisis brought on alarmingly by Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. This became the catalyst for a refusal by the international banking system to advance any more loans to India. With past loans coming due every week, India's forex reserves sank to a mere $1.1 billion and in order not to default on repayments it was forced to pawn all of the 55 tonnes of gold in the vaults of the Reserve Bank of India. That was when, thanks to the tragic death of Rajiv Gandhi, Rao became PM.

 

As I found out in several conversations with him after he ceased to be PM, Rao wasn't a convinced reformer. But he had the intelligence to listen to experts and the courage to act upon their advice. His key contributions were first that he did away with the reluctant tinkering that had characterised the reforms of 1980, 1985 and 1990 and opted for the complete dismantling of the command economy; second that he broke completely with Congress tradition and made a seasoned professional economist who was not even a member of the party his finance minister; and third, that having done so he backed him unflinchingly through thick and thin—brushing aside the demands and complaints of virtually every other minister in his cabinet. This was the very essence of leadership in a cabinet system of government.

 

Rao's contribution to ending the insurgency in Punjab, which had by 1991 taken more than 50,000 lives, is almost unknown but no less important. It consisted of insisting upon holding elections in the state in February 1992, in the face of dire threats by the militants, a boycott by the frightened Akalis, and deep misgivings even among some of his close advisors, that elections would expose the narrow base of support for democracy and could easily push the already seriously weakened Akalis into the arms of the militants.

 

I was among the sceptics then. When I voiced my misgivings to the then cabinet secretary, he told me that the decision had been taken solely by the PM, who was determined to bring back an elected government in Punjab no matter how narrow the electorate base. Only this, he believed, could isolate the militants from the majority of the Sikh population. Rao's insight proved prophetic. The polls brought the Congress to power under a Jat Sikh chief minister, Beant Singh. Beant established an immediate rapport with police chief K.P.S. Gill and ended the lack of comprehension and support that Gill had suffered for years while dealing with the home ministry in Delhi. Beant was also able to mobilise the mainly Jat Sikh villagers in the border areas to resist the infiltrators. Caught between the villagers and the Punjab police, the militancy collapsed within a year.

 

Rao followed a similar strategy in Kashmir, although with only partial success. In August 1994, he quietly asked the Election Commission to update the voter rolls for the state and re-demarcate the constituencies. This created a furore in Kashmir. Sick of the unending violence, a majority of the people welcomed the chance to elect a government of their choice. This put the militants on the defensive; for while they believed that participating in the polls would amount to betraying thousands of their comrades who had died, they had to explain this over and over again to the people of the state. In the end not all were convinced, and militancy lost most of its shine in the Valley.

 

During the last eight years of his life, Rao was shunned by his own party which had managed to convince itself that thanks to the Babri demolition, he was a red rag to the Muslim bull. It must have hurt him terribly, but characteristically he never complained. One can only hope that history will restore him to the place that's rightly his.

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Asalu almost retire ayyipoyadu anukunna time lo ayyani malli PM cheyadaniki main vyakthulu evaru congress lo srk annai??

 

Sharad Pawar, Madhava rao Scindia, Pranab ...ituvanti vallu andaru PM race lo unnolle seenayya.......but vallalo vallaki inkokadu avvatam istam ledhu....(appatike PV retired from politics....Rajiv gandhi poorthiga pakkana ettesaadu PV ni...)...sare ani Compromise candidate kindha PV ni ettaru...konni rojulu musilodini unchi..aa taruvatha soosukundhaam le ani....musilodu andarini ekkada set seyyalo akkada set sesaadu....Full term Ruling sesaadu....

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Sharad Pawar, Madhava rao Scindia, Pranab ...ituvanti vallu andaru PM race lo unnolle seenayya.......but vallalo vallaki inkokadu avvatam istam ledhu....(appatike PV retired from politics....Rajiv gandhi poorthiga pakkana ettesaadu PV ni...)...sare ani Compromise candidate kindha PV ni ettaru...konni rojulu musilodini unchi..aa taruvatha soosukundhaam le ani....musilodu andarini ekkada set seyyalo akkada set sesaadu....Full term Ruling sesaadu....

sinnappudu kothi moothi kothi moothi ani ekkirenchetollam kaani aayana nijam gaa mahaanubaavudu peddayana
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Inaction Is Also An Action

Law Takes It's Course Of Action

When I Don't Take A Decision It Doesn't Mean I Dont Think About It But I Think About It And Takes A Decision Not To Make A Decision

Time It'self Is A Solution To Some Of D Problems

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96 JMM cases ivanni pakkana pedithey migathavi annitlo I respect him a lot, Ayana knowledge 11 languages anargalamga matladagalighe capcity, minority government ni ayana full term nadipinchina teeru, facts cheppalantey India is in deep s--- aa time lo. Alatin time lo ayana personnel selections asalu mind blowing. Atleast oka teluguvadiga ayina ayanaki gouravam isthe manchidi ee congress daridrulu

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